Introduction

In the three years since the publication of the first country report, key figures of the German media landscape have remained relatively stable. The periodical press continues to play an important, albeit declining, role, supported by strong regional and local subscription newspapers and complemented by national quality dailies and influential weeklies. The dual broadcasting system – comprising both public-service and commercial broadcasters – remains intact, reflecting Germany’s federal structure with eleven public-service networks operating across the Länder (federal states). Internet penetration remained stable at a high level, media usage, which averaged 10 hours and 53 minutes per day – 27 minutes less than in 2022 – continues its decline after peaking during the pandemic (VAUNET 2025). As in 2022, the Internet continues being the most important news source in Germany in 2025 (Newman et al. 2025). After a prolonged decline until 2022, television appears to have stabilized as a news source and taking a similar position as in 2022, while print media has lost another 7 percent in three years, now being a source of news for 19 percent of people in Germany (Newman et al. 2025).

Another notable development compared to 2022 is the regulation of digital media. In 2023, the former German government began enforcing the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which aims to secure transparency, freedom, and independence of the press from political influence, as well as the Digital Services Act (DSA), which seeks to ensure transparency and responsibility of digital platform owners to protect users’ rights. A complementary measure to implement the EMFA is the draft of the State Treaty on Digital Media, or Digitale-Medien-Staatsvertrag, which is also intended to regulate the use of artificial intelligence (AI) for the first time. Furthermore, the current government established a new Ministry for Digital Affairs to ensure coordinated and swift implementation of technologies and digital policy measures.

Outlets and owners

Overall, traditional news sources – press, television, and radio broadcasting – remain significant in the German media landscape. However, legacy outlets continue to struggle against digital competitors. Print media, and local newspapers in particular, face a rapid decline in circulation, with digital services failing to compensate for the losses (BDVZ 2024).

Whereas television and radio broadcasting are shaped by the strong presence of public broadcasting services, print media is characterized by large family-owned media groups. There remains a high degree of concentration in this area, with over 80% of daily-newspaper usage distributed among only 10 large publishing groups. Concentration is even higher in the magazine market, with over 80% distributed among only 5 publishing groups, according to the most recent report of the Commission on Concentration in the Media (KEK) (KEK 2025). Notably, the private equity firm KKR sold its shares in the major media group Axel Springer SE back to the Springer family and CEO Matthias Döpfner, granting them – particularly Döpfner and Axel Springer’s widow Friede Springer – full ownership of the group.

Unlike print media, public broadcasting services lead the radio and television markets, with audience shares of more than 50% in both sectors (ibid.). Television continues to hold an important position in German media consumption, ranking at the top together with the internet. The remaining television market shares are almost exclusively split between RTL Group – owned by Bertelsmann SE – and ProSiebenSat.1 Media (ibid.). The market power of Bertelsmann SE is especially notable due to its presence across print, television, and online news platforms.

While the relevance of social media for news remained relatively stable over the past years (Newman et al. 2025), especially Instagram and TikTok seem to be exceptions, albeit on a low level in the case of TikTok (Behre et al. 2025). Both platforms are primarily used by a younger audience, whereas others – such as YouTube, Facebook, and WhatsApp – exhibit a more balanced age distribution when it comes to news consumption (Behre et al. 2025).

Still, the news supply on these platforms largely consists of extensions of well-known media companies. The few exceptions of prominent accounts beyond traditional media outlets are some politicians and influencers. Notable figures that promote political content include radical-right leader Alice Weidel and left-wing politician Heidi Reichinnek, both having a presence across the full spectrum of social media channels. Additionally, it is worth mentioning the legal and political news content creator Herr Anwalt, on account of his considerable 7.2 million followers on TikTok.

The German media authorities publish annual reports on the “market of opinion”, based on a weighted evaluation of media companies’ presence across different segments (KEK 2024). The results, which differ significantly from 2022, underline the strong position of public broadcasting in the German media market. Ranking first in the market of opinion is the public broadcaster ARD (20.3%). Together with ZDF (7.4%) in third place, public broadcasting accounts for over a quarter of market share. Among commercial companies, Bertelsmann SE ranks second (11.0%), ahead of Axel Springer SE (6.8%) and KKR (6.4%). The latter demonstrates that financial investors remain relevant in the media market despite their divestment from Axel Springer SE. According to the media authorities’ methodology, these “big five” account for just over half of the market of opinion (ibid.).

Distribution

Compared to the previous report, the technical and economic conditions in Germany have remained largely unchanged. Risks to transparency in media ownership related to distribution channels continue to be assessed as low. However, a caveat is emerging, concerning social media, especially influencers, who are currently not subject to any legal obligations to disclose their political or editorial affiliations.

Germany’s print distribution infrastructure remains widely available and maintains strong population reach. Special postal services – including next- or same-day delivery by Deutsche Post – continue to play an important role, especially for daily newspapers. There is still no evidence of discriminatory practices in print distribution, with legal safeguards in place, such as the 1969 ruling by the Federal Constitutional Court, and competition law enforcement by the Federal Cartel Office, notably its 2020 intervention against a surcharge rule in magazine distribution.

Audio and television broadcasting infrastructure remain characterized by high diversity within a competitive environment. FM radio, DAB+, cable, and satellite (e.g., Astra) are all widely available across the country, with no major access restrictions. Terrestrial television (DVB-T2) is also broadly accessible. Public and commercial broadcasters reaffirmed in 2022 their joint commitment to maintaining terrestrial transmission at least through 2030, amid competing demands from mobile network providers.

Since the Telecommunications Modernization Act or Telekommunikationsmodernisierungsgesetz (TKModG) came into force in 2021, residents in Germany have been legally entitled to access telecommunications services. The market remains competitive, and Germany continues to perform above the EU average in the Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI) for connectivity. Multiple internet service providers with diverse ownership structures operate across the country.

There are still no significant instances of cross-ownership between distribution infrastructure providers and media content producers. Past cases of net neutrality violations have been addressed by the Federal Network Agency, which in 2022 banned zero-rating offers such as “StreamOn” (Telekom) and “Vodafone Pass” (Vodafone) for breaching net neutrality principles. Ongoing regulatory oversight continues to monitor potential infringements.

When examining news consumption practices, non‑linear channels — that is, platforms such as social media, aggregators, search engines, video‑on‑demand services, and messaging apps — raise increasing transparency concerns about who curates or influences news visibility. In Germany, around 66% of adult internet users reported accessing news via digital or social platforms in a typical week in 2024, whereas weekly reach of linear television news remained relatively high at 61%, and radio was at approximately 34% (Behre et al, 2025). Despite this, traditional media (television, radio, and print) still lead an important role, with 57% of adults citing them as their most important news sources (ibid.)

Digital intermediaries are, however, gaining importance among younger audiences: Around 14% of German adults name social media as their main news source, with this figure rising to 34% among 18–24‑year‑olds, and roughly 17% of this cohort relying exclusively on social media for news (Behre et al, 2025; Newman et al, 2025). Among younger adults (18–24 years), 50% regularly use social media for news, while the dominance of television continues to decline (Behre et al, 2025).

This generational shift underscores the need for stronger transparency around how digital platforms curate and prioritize content. While some major platforms have introduced explanations of content prioritization or labels for sponsored material, only about half of the leading digital intermediaries publicly disclose their content‑ranking criteria or clarify when commercial arrangements influence content (Newman et al, 2025). As younger cohorts rely more heavily on non‑linear news, the demand for algorithmic and commercial transparency continues to grow.

Germany’s infrastructure for distributing print, broadcasting, and internet content remains stable, competitive, and legally safeguarded. Furthermore, the growing relevance of digital intermediaries and the regulatory gap concerning non-linear video services mentioned in the previous report are partly addressed by new laws and the implementation of European regulations – the EMFA, DSA, and “Digitale-Medien-Staatsvertrag” – noted above. Although those European regulations aim to ensure transparency and protection against political influence, they do not yet cover media concentration regarding large online platforms. This regulatory gap remains crucial as non-linear video streaming on these platforms becomes increasingly relevant.

Legal framework

The legal framework governing media in Germany remains stable and continues to provide a high level of transparency, but recent years have seen important updates targeting digital platforms and online media. Overall, the risks to transparency in the legal dimension of media supply remain low.

Article 5 (1) of the German constitution or Grundgesetz guarantees the freedom to form opinions, as well as the freedom of the press and broadcasting:

“Everyone has the right to freely express and disseminate their opinion in word, writing, and image and to obtain information from generally accessible sources without hindrance. Freedom of the press and freedom of reporting by radio and film are guaranteed. Censorship does not take place.”

The Federal Constitutional Court remains the key authority for safeguarding these rights. Landmark rulings, such as the 2014 decision limiting state influence in supervisory bodies of public-service broadcasting and the 2018 decision on the broadcasting fee, continue to shape the regulatory landscape by emphasizing balanced diversity and independence of public-service media.

Media regulation remains characterized by federalism. While general business laws are set at the federal level, media-specific regulations fall under the competence of the federal states. The Interstate Media Treaty or Medienstaatsvertrag (MStV) continues to serve as the core regulatory framework for media ownership and control, complemented by the Act Against Restraints of Competition or Gesetz gegen Wettbewerbsbeschränkungen (GWB). The federal states’ media authorities or Landesmedienanstalten oversee commercial broadcasting and publish the triennial aforementioned KEK-report, which evaluates media concentration and safeguards for opinion diversity. The latest KEK-report (2025) remains the key reference, but discussions about adapting concentration rules to digital environments have intensified since the publication of the previous one.

As mentioned before, since 2023, Germany has begun implementing the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA), which strengthens editorial independence and transparency, particularly regarding online media and cross-border operations. The Digital Services Act (DSA), fully enforced since 2024, has introduced stricter transparency requirements for large online platforms, including obligations to disclose content moderation practices, algorithmic decision-making, and sponsored or political content. To complement these European regulations, the federal states are preparing the State Treaty on Digital Media or Digitale-Medien-Staatsvertrag, which is intended to close regulatory gaps in the digital sphere. The treaty will, for the first time, set rules for algorithmic transparency, platform accountability, and the use of artificial intelligence (AI) in news and content distribution. It is expected to come into force in 2025/2026. Additional relevant laws include the Telecommunication Act (TKG), updated in 2021 with net neutrality and universal service obligations, the Press Laws (Landespressegesetze) of the federal states, the Broadcasting Fee Treaty (Rundfunkbeitragsstaatsvertrag), and the Freedom of Information Act (IFG), all of which contribute to maintaining transparency and independence. Despite these legislative amendments, Germany continues to perform poorly regarding the transparency of state and third-country advertising revenues, as there is still no legislation – comparable to the US-American Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) or the French Sapin Law (“Loi Sapin”) – addressing this issue.

Albeit it is not a subject of ownership transparency, it is important to mention the threat posed by disinformation on social media and other online platforms. The latest Global Risk Report from the United Nations underscores that currently mis- and disinformation are globally perceived as the most pressing political risk (United Nations 2025). Legislation addressing this issue directly – such as the Network Enforcement Act or Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz, which compels platforms to delete unlawful content – is no longer up to date with the dynamics that mis- and disinformation have reached, especially due to the emergence of image- and text-generating AI. Therefore, the recent adjustments to European law are adequate. The DSA requires large only platforms to regularly assess their risk of mis- and disinformation, providing some transparency and enabling further measures. Nevertheless, the KEK states the significance of supplemental social and educational measures in addition to legal and governmental approaches to master the challenges posed by a diversifying media landscape (KEK 2025). If individuals are voluntarily withdrawing from established media sources, the regulatory scope may be limited by the same individuals’ rights to choose information channels of their liking (ibid.).

References

BDZV. (2024). Zur wirtschaftlichen Lage der deutschen Zeitungen: Branchenbeitrag 2024. Berlin: Bundesverband Digitalpublisher und Zeitungsverleger (BDZV).

Behre, J., Hölig, S., Stöwing, E., & Möller, J. (2025). Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2025: Ergebnisse für Deutschland. Hamburg: Leibniz-Institut für Medienforschung | Hans-Bredow-Institut (HBI). https://doi.org/10.21241/ssoar.102887

KEK. (2024). 26. Jahresbericht der Kommission zur Ermittlung der Konzentration im Medienbereich (KEK). Berlin: die medienanstalten – ALM GbR.

KEK. (2025). 8. Medienkonzentrationsbericht: Social Media, KI & Co. – Neue Gefährdungslagen für die Meinungsvielfalt. Berlin: die medienanstalten – ALM GbR.

Newman, N., Fletcher, R., Robertson, C. T., Eddy, K., & Kleis Nielsen, R. (2025). Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2025. Oxford: Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.

United Nations. (2024). UN Global Risk Report 2024. New York: United Nations Publications.

VAUNET. (2025). Mediennutzung in Deutschland 2024: VAUNET-Mediennutzungsanalyse. Berlin: Verband Privater Medien e. V.